CHAPTER VIII - KAREN WOMANHOOD
"Her office there to rear, to teach, Becoming as is meet and fit A link among the days, to knit The generations each with each." TennysonIt has truly been said "The hand that rocks the cradle rules the world." A country or nation which disregards its womanhood could never be counted truly great; whereas a nation that respects its womanhood has invariably proved itself superior to other nations. It is said that at the height of the glory of Rome, the class of people that wielded great power were the Greek women who had the care of Roman homes as well as that of the children, in their education and up-bringing. The Greek women so, unostentatiously did their work that the public at large were not aware of it. Karen women, with their simple ways, their gentle and modest manner, have won the respect and admiration not only of their own people but also of the people of other nationalities who have known and observed them.
Co-education has been a great success among the Karens. It has been proved to be such for the past fifty years or more. At a meeting of a well-educated and talented group of Burmans, a Burmese lady made the following remark: "I have attended a Christian Karen co-educational school as well as a Burmese Girls' school, and my candid opinion is that co-education among the Karens will always be a success, while among the Burmese it always is bound to be a failure. There is something in the nature of the Burmese boys and girls that will never be compatible with co-education. I am Burmese and am fully aware of what I have said."
KAREN STUDENTS AT JUDSON COLLEGEKaren girls are homely and motherly, and thus European ladies highly appreciate them as baby nurses and house-keepers. Being patient and gentle, they make efficient sick-nurses and midwives whose services are highly appreciated by the Burmese as well as other nationalities. Those who in their illness have entrusted their lives to the care of these nurses have always thought of them with gratitude. While they are a great asset to the nation, Karen nurses present some really difficult problems. Some of them are mere girls--unsophisticated as to the ways of this world. They are simple and uninitiated in the evils of the world. Some years have elapsed since Karen girls first took up this profession of a nurse. Each succeeding year sees an increase in the number of applications for joining the hospitals--Dufferin and General--and now nursing has become a fashionable rage. Girls hailing from all classes have become nurses, and I am certain that in Burma there are more nurses to be found among the Karen than in any other single race of the country. We cannot stem the tide, but we should see that every provision is made for their protection.
It is gratifying to note that at Rangoon there is a Burmese and Karen branch of the Y.W.C.A. which attempts to bring the nurses together and provides for their physical and religious needs. It was started and led well on its way by Mrs. Nellie Yaba-Min, and is now in the charge of Tharamu Naw E Kyaing, of Rangoon. A nurse's remuneration is good, but the hardship that she is called upon to endure! A doctor diagnoses his case, writes a prescription and then leaves the patient to the long-suffering nurse, who has to satisfy every little need of the patient--no matter how fastidious such may be. Members of so noble a profession are deserving of respect and kindness to make their hard lot easier both physically and morally. Temptations beset them on all sides, and only the initiated are aware of the nature of the evils.
Westerners have frequently associated Burma with her "delightful women." I do not pretend to include Karen women in this category. They are usually too timid or unobtrusive to attract notice. But, however unostentatious they may appear in a gaily plumaged throng of Burmese women, in their own homes they are the delight of their children. There are at present a number of Karen woman graduates, and the number is steadily increasing. A photograph showing Judson College with its faculty members and Karen college boys and girls appears facing page 54.
Karen women are generally hardy--possessing an enviable physique. In the districts women have been as successful in cultivation as the men. They plough, sow and reap with comparative ease, and a farmer's life is not too strenuous for them. Though timid and shy in society, Karen women have displayed wonderful courage in the face of real danger. At a certain village a Karen woman whose house was raided by a number of dacoits stood behind the door, armed with a dah, and hacked at the intruders one by one as they made their exit. This feat--worthy of an Ali Baba,--was performed single-handed by a Karen woman!
GROUP OF KAREN LADIES OF BASSEINIn a Karen family the husband and wife are on an equal footing. They strive to aid each other--the husband is not the sole arbiter of domestic disputes. The wife is a partner:
"Yet child-simple, undefiled, Frank, obedient--waiting On the turning of your will."Our women may not yet have attained the ideal of womanhood as set forth by Ruskin in his book Sesame and Lilies, but it is our fervent hope that they are making effective strides towards it. Adam echoes our sentiments when he says:
"God! I render back Strong benediction and perpetual praise That Thou, in striking my benumbed hands Has left this well-beloved Eve, this life Within life, this best gift between their palms, In gracious compensation!"
CHAPTER IX - GENERAL PROGRESS
There is nothing so revolutionary, because there is nothing so unnatural or convulsive to society, as the strain to keep things fixed, when all the world is, by the very nature of its creation, in eternal progress; and the cause of all the evils in the world may be traced to that natural, but most deadly error of human indolence and corruption--that our business is to preserve and not improve. It is the ruin of all alike--individuals, schools, and nations. --Dr. Arnold.The educational, social and spiritual progress of the Karens has been due, to a very great extent, to the Missionaries who have so faithfully and sympathetically worked among and with them. The Karens are not ashamed or afraid to proclaim to the world publicly or in private that they owe what progress and advancement they have made, to the missionaries whom they affectionately call their "Mother" under the protection of the British Government whom they rightly call their "Father." The latter, as is usually the case with a father, never really knows, or if he does know often forgets, the special or peculiar needs of his individual child at home.
Every Karen must be ever grateful to the missionaries and the people that send them, of whatever nationality, for the sacrifice of time, talent, money, and men on their behalf. There is no need to speak of the past, the self-sacrifice and the great persecutions which the missionaries have undergone, for they have been recorded in history as well as in the Great Book which never leaves out a single act of man. Men like Dr. J. B. Vinton, of loving memory, Dr. D. A. W. Smith, of Karen Seminary fame, the beloved Drs. Harris, Gilmore, Abbot, Beecher, Carpenter, Cross, Thomas, Rev. Dr. C. A. Nichols, K.I.H., and their wives who helped them in their difficult and arduous work, spent all their lives and the best that they could give for the Karens. Among the younger generation are found men like the Reverends Marshall, L. Levi Lewis, and a large number of lady missionaries and teachers who are devoting their lives for the Karens, and are highly appreciated.
REV. DR. VINTON AND THE VINTON MEMORIAL HALLCan the Karens as a nation ever forget them and their heroic and loving deeds? Those who can forget would indeed be ungrateful creatures. The deeds of some of these men and women would fill pages of noble sacrifice and enterprise. It is to be hoped that some of that our capable Karen young men will take up the history and work of the missionaries among the Karens. It will be indeed a most interesting, valuable and stirring subject which will be appreciated by other people as well as by the Karen themselves.
There are missionaries to-day out in the jungles and up in the hills, as well as in the towns of Burma, doing their best to uplift the people and to fight their battles, often difficult battles and all a labour of love. And Karens will be the first to admit that even their own people-- their own flesh and blood,--would not do what these men have done and are doing for them. The writer is, and always was, an admirer of the great talent of the late Home Member, the Honourable U May Oung, but certain words which the latter uttered in public were quite uncalled for, and must have been due to ignorance or prejudice. He said, "Karens are under the thumb of the missionaries, and are led by the nose into anything that the missionaries wish." With which remark the writer disagreed, and added that even if correct it was far better for Karens to be under the thumb of missionaries and led by them to be led by the Devil who takes so many forms in Burma.
Religions has played a prominent part in the general progress of the Karens, and Christianity "has satisfied a great national religious need, and in doing so has developed a national civilisation. Three processes have ever since been simultaneously in operation: Christianity, Education and Civilisation. The Karens regard these three as indivisible parts of the message which for ages their ancestors had firmly believed God would at some time or other send to them."
Mr. Donald Smeaton, in his Loyal Karens of Burma, narrates the story of how the Karens finally embraced the teachings of Christ:
"...A Karen called Ko Tha Byu, debt slave to a Burman, had been set free by Dr. Judson and employed as a water-carrier. Ko Tha Byu found a Christian tract one day as he was working in Dr. Judson's house. It was in the Burmese language, and he read it with difficulty. At last, however, he mastered it, and its teachings struck him as singularly like the teachings of the God-tradition of his people. His eyes were opened; he discovered that, at last, the long-predicted return of God to his nation through the white man had been fulfilled. Fired with his knowledge, and overcome with joy at the glad tidings which he was now able to bring to his degraded and debased fellow countrymen, he went forth as an apostle among the people and laboured for generations, proclaiming the restoration of the Karen nation and the return of God to them after centuries of expectation. He became the means of opening up to the American Missionaries a field of enterprise of which they had never dreamed. The field has been ardently worked ever since. In a minute by the Chief Commissioner of British Burma, dated May 1, 1863, may be found the following: 'The district of Toungoo was occupied by British troops early in 1853. At that time nearly the whole of the Karen tribes on the mountains east of Toungoo--that is an area of more than 2,000 square miles--were in a savage state. The Burmese Government never had authority over any of the tribes living more than a day's journey from the city and river. In process of time, from constant labour of the American missionaries, many thousands of mountain Karens were instructed in Christianity, abandoned their savage mode of life and their cruel wars and lived as Christian men and women...I assert, from long experience among similar tribes, that such results could not be obtained by the civil administration, unaided by missionary teaching.'"
DR. C. A. NICHOLS, K.I.H.
THAPG'H THA MYAT KYI
DR. CRONKHITE
SRA SAN TE.--T.P.S"In this linking of religion with all that is good, useful, profitable and happy in daily life lies the secret of the marvellous success of the Karen mission in the past, and the bright hopes for the future. Christianity is looked upon as a great end in itself, but equally as a powerful lever for raising the condition of the people. It is no dying race--no race in its decadence like the Sandwich Islanders--that Christianity has got hold of here, but a young and vigorous race, springing up with marvellous elasticity from the grinding oppression of centuries. In common with the American missionaries, I sincerely believe in the capacity of development of the Karens, and in the power of Christianity to develop them. There is intense vitality in the race. Under all the crushing tyranny which they have borne, decimated as they have been by constant internal struggles, they have still been increasing in numbers, and peace and protection under British rule have enabled them to multiply rapidly. Another secret of the great success of the American Mission movement has been truly a national one, a genuine uprising of the people themselves. Nine-tenths of the work which has been accomplished has, under the guidance of the missionaries, been done by the Karens themselves. They have brought to the movement their great powers of combination, and, what is of immense importance, they worked on their own lines, incorporating in the new national structure all that was valuable in the old."
I believe that devotion to the Christian faith has supplied the one link that was wanting to complete what may be called the federative capacity of the Karens and make their national unity strong enough to resist all disintegrating forces. Nothing that the Government has yet done has succeeded in rousing the people to a sense of their dignity as men or a nation. The Government has given them nothing around which their national aspirations could rally. Christianity at the hands of the American missionaries has done this. Once a village has embraced Christianity it feels itself head and shoulders above its neighbours...The coming of Christianity has honoured their national traditions. They feel themselves and their ancestors justified before all men. A new life opens out to them--a new career for which their forefathers had sighed in the ages of hardships and oppression and slavery. They are proud to devote their lives to working out the high destiny which they believe God had, in the long past, prepared for them. The possibility of a separation of Christian sections of the people from the heathen was some few years ago foreseen by the more enlightened, and a movement was at once set on foot to prevent the commencement of such a process. A National Karen Association was founded (1881)--representative of all the clans, Christian and heathen, with the avowed object of keeping the nation together in the march of progress; of allowing all Karens, without distinction of belief, to meet on a common platform. In a future chapter I shall enter more fully into the objects of this association. I mention it here to show that, far from any separatist tendencies showing themselves, the enlightened Christian party--which is the party of progress--is daily evincing a keener desire to preserve the national unity and elevate the entire race. There is in this a ground of high hope. The mass of the Karen Church of the future will be, in my opinion, intelligent, educated cultivators of the soil. From these will spring up through their schools their professional and business men. These will form the cutting edge of the nation, gaining incisive power from the weight and the cohesion of the present mass from which it sprang. Not many years can this vigorous young giant be kept in leading strings. Several of the Karen missions are already financially independent and entirely self-maintaining. The time is not far distant when the leadership will pass from American hands into those of Karen blood. I do not believe that the Karen Christian will ever become a caste that implies segregation. They will rather develop into a body like the Parsees in India; but they will be more powerful than the Parsees because their backbones is an intelligent peasantry..."
"...Slowly the idea has been gaining ground even among the most ignorant and backward of the Karens, that there is some hope for their despised and outcast race. Their desponding cry used to be, in the language of their old proverbs, 'We are the leaf, other races are thorn; if the leaf falls on the thorn, it is pierced; if the thorn falls on the leaf, the leaf is pierced all the same!' 'We are the eggs, other races are rock, the egg fell on the rock and it was broken; the rock fell on the egg and the egg was broken.' 'If I tread on the ordure of a Burman, he exacts a fine; if he treads on mine, he exacts a fine.' The idea has now permeated even the lowest that Christianity and education combined will enable the Karen to hold his own..."
THE NEW KO THA BYU HAL
THE PIPE ORGAN AT THE NEW KO THA BYU HALLFortunately, the above cannot be said of a Karen who has confessed Christianity. He is sincere, and faithfully follows the doctrine to the best of his ability. There are, of course, some who "fall on the wayside," so to speak. But the wonder is that more have not fallen on the way when one considers their surroundings, the great temptation "to do as others do" all about him, and that even the climate of the country itself is against him. However, in spite of uphill work, in spite of the demoralising influence and discouraging events which have to be contended with every day of their life, the Karens have made good in educational and material progress as well as in religious matters.
Forty years ago in the town of Bassein, with a population of 30,000, there were only two Karen houses outside of the Mission Compound, but now there are hundreds of houses in various quarters of the town. The same may be said of Rangoon and of all the large towns of the Province. There are schools and institutions with fine, commodious buildings for the Karen youths in most of the larger towns. Where there were hardly five score pupils in a school there are to-day several hundred, and undoubtedly the largest is the Nichols' Sgaw Karen High School, in Bassein, with its roll of 1,400 pupils. Karen High Schools have been established in Bassein, Henzada, Tharrawaddy, Toungoo, Moulmein and Rangoon, and of the number of annual graduates from High Schools a good proportion go up to the University to complete their education, and take their degrees in arts or science.
U LOO-NEE AND MRS. LOO-NEECHAPTER X - KARENS AND HOME RULE FOR BURMA
"Looking at the progress made by the peoples of Burma in all points, we, the Karens of Burma, are sensible that the country is not yet in a fit state for self-government. Burma is inhabited by many different races, differing in states of civilisation, differing in religion and social development; hence Burma will have still to undergo many years of strenuous training under British governance before this boon can be conferred on it with security and success...From what has transpired in the past, when injustice and despotism reigned supreme, the Karens of Burma do not clamour and agitate for the fruition of questionable political privileges and the ushering in of dubious political eras. The history of our Province indicates that it is in a state of transition still, and as yet the benefits of free government are not quite fully appreciated." --Karen Memorial presented in 1917 to Lord Chelmsford and the Right Hon. Edwin S. Montagu, M.P.It is the unanimous opinion of the Karens that Burma is not yet fit for Home Rule. They themselves humbly acknowledge their unfitness and feel that British help, British protection, and the steadying influence of British control are still most essential. Perhaps the people of the country would be able to govern themselves in some sort of fashion, but the Karens have a strong misgiving that the experiment will not prove a success. A prominent Indian gentleman of the Swarajist Party once asked: "Don't you think bad self-government is better than good foreign Government? Do you not prefer being master in your own home to taking a back seat in your family affairs?" No doubt, it was an argument which would appeal to a man in whom there is the slightest vestige of patriotism. But surely, taking into consideration the existing conditions, Home Rule to-day would be a curse rather than a blessing, just as the affairs in a family could not be safely entrusted to a pater familias who is apparently incompetent!
The question has often been asked "Why and how could the Cubans be taught to govern themselves within a few years of their being taken over by the United States of America, while India and Burma could not do so after a hundred years of British régime." The reason is obvious when consideration is made of the marked difference in religion and race and the divergent interests existing in India and Burma at the present day. Furthermore, the object of the people of the United States was to train and actually push the Cubans to look after themselves after exactly so many years. It was their policy, as proclaimed on the day war was declared on Spain, to free the Cubans, and the latter in turn worked strenuously to that end. Such was not the intention of the British with regard to India, nor have they ever made any pretence of the desire to restore the countries to the people themselves. On the contrary, Lord Clive declared, "English will leave India alone only when the sun and the moon rise in the West and set in the East." Of course, now that times have changed, the outlook of nations is beginning to realise her position, and, in fact, has conceded very important administrative privileges. She realises that her policy must be altered, or else she may fail to accomplish the great mission that she has been destined to fulfil. Satisfaction can only come when every country and every nation has its own Government, and the greatest responsibility rests upon Great Britain as the greatest of all nations, and one which has the keeping of the welfare and destinies of the largest number of nations in the world--the responsibility of assuring their fitness for the time when she can say "I have done everything to make you fit to look after yourselves and I am perfectly satisfied that you are ready for self-government."
Can it be honestly claimed that India is to-day fit to look after herself? And is Burma anywhere in a position to shoulder that great responsibility called self-determination? If not, it is the duty of India and Burma to retain the help and co-operation of their life-long friend and benefactor, and the responsibility of the British Government does not cease until the child for which she is responsible can stand, walk, and run without help. Doubtless, the day will come when "Japheth shall no longer dwell in the tents of Shem."
In an issue of April 2nd, 1927, of the London Morning Post Sirdar Ikbalalisha declared, "Indian Self-Government is impossible, because India is torn by conflicting forces of caste, creed, religion and traditions. It is futile to attempt the impossible by a make-believe re-approachment between Hindus and Moslems because both the political and educational evolution of India has not reached a stage at which the right of minorities is respected," which in the writer's opinion may take a couple of centuries yet. Meantime, however, he suggests the formation of a Federated Government of India with a strong Central organisation very much after the style of the United States of America, but with the whole country divided according to racial, religious and traditional affinities.
"Self-Government" in India and Burma may be possible, but it must be a modified form of self-government. And the only feasible and satisfactory form would be as suggested by the Sirdar himself and strongly advocated by Sir Frederick Whyte in his pamphlet India, a Federation? "The Make-believes" of Burma would make us think that Burma would have nothing in the way to prevent it from getting self-government for one united people. It is true there is hardly any caste or creed, but there are strong racial traditions which can only be gradually eliminated by tactful management politically.
But great as the responsibility and sacrifice made by Great Britain were in taking over the country, greater will be the responsibility of determining the day when the country may safely be left to govern itself. The task of Great Britain is arduous, unpleasant and thankless, but she must stick to her guns until such a day as every country and every nation which has looked up to her as its saviour and protector is made happy with every prospect of a future of contentment.
In the words of a Viceroy embodied in a speech to a British Association in India..."remember that the Almighty has placed your hand on the greatest of His ploughs in whose furrows the nations of the future are germinating and taking shape to drive and to feel that somewhere among these millions you have left a little justice or happiness or prosperity, a sense of manliness or moral dignity, a spring of patriotism, a dawn of intellectual enlightenment or a stirring of duty where it did not before exist. That is enough. That is the Englishman's justification in India. It is good enough for his watchword while he is here, for his epitaph when he is gone. Our hand is in sober earnest on the plough to-day; it will need a strong hand, a willing team to drive the furrow straight. It is up-hill work and there are roots and rocks in plenty to turn the blade aside. Each and all of us need a firm faith and sane enthusiasm if we wish to carry through successfully the task to which we have set our hand..."
CHAPTER XI - THE REFORMS SCHEME AND THE KARENS
Is there one whom difficulties dishearten--who bends to the storm? He will do little. Is there one who will conquer? That kind of man never fails. --Hunter. To conquer by the moral manifestation of the will is to conquer like a God. To conquer by the manifestation of brute force, is to conquer like a beast. --Burritt.In the years that the Reforms Scheme has been is existence the lot of the Karens has been more and more unenviable each year, in spite of the five representatives on the Legislative Council allowed by the constitution. The First General Election to the Legislative Council resulted in the Karens having seven seats, five as communal representatives and two from General Constituencies. The success of the two elected members was used as an argument that the Burmans were broad-minded and free from racial prejudice; consequently, there need be no fear of suitable Karen candidates not being elected on their merits. The truth of the matter, however, was that the two Karens got in because there were no Burmese candidates, the Burmans still being busy with boycotting at the first election. Therefore, it was only to be expected that at the Second General Election, when Burman candidates entered the political field in large numbers, the Karen contestants who stood for election were defeated by overwhelming majorities. Even the candidates of the Karen constituencies were tampered with in so many ways by interested Burmans that some were actually elected, not as the choice of the Karens, but as the Burmans wished. In District Councils, District School Boards, or any other boards or committees no Karen could gain membership if the Burmans seriously opposed them. Consequently, Karen interests suffer everywhere.
What hits the Karens hardest is the matter of education in the districts. Hundreds of Karen village schools in many districts which have for many years been thriving under Government help and protection and under missionary supervision were suddenly thrown out without help, and educational progress among the Karens within a few years will be seriously affected if matters are allowed to go on in this way. Many Karen Associations, and Boards of Trustees of Karen Schools, have sent in their protest to Government, but so far the matter is still unsettled.
FIRST KAREN M.L.Cs. AFTER THE REFORMS SCHEMEThere is a good deal of talk to the effect that Karens have not tried to take advantage of opportunities offered by the Reforms Scheme. There is some truth in this, but it is equally true that there are so many difficulties in the way that on the whole the efforts would be as futile as if no attempts were made at all. There is a potent factor which is to-day hampering the Karens from taking active part in public matters, and that is the majority are poor and, realising their position, they refrain. There are a few in the jungles or villages who have money, perhaps, but these are an inarticulate lot who will not count in any movement, while those who are in towns and cities have to attend to their business or profession. There are at present among the Karens no leisured class of rich or well-to-do people who can take on whole-time honorary services or afford to make large donations to charitable institutions, and this is a great drawback in a nation.
The splendid group of buildings in the Sgaw Karen School compound at Bassein, the life-long effort of the Rev. Dr. C. A. Nichols, K.I.H., which has elicited the admiration of all visitors, is the result, principally, of the united efforts of poor cultivators, and the "widow's mite." It is about sixty years since the Karens, by the help of their missionaries and under sympathetic Government protection, started their educational institutions, and no one who is acquainted with this department can deny that Karen schools have progressed and increased beyond expectation, for a so-called "backward race." Karens can boast of a good number of high schools of their own in the Province to-day, and hundreds and thousands of village schools have thrived. But from present appearances the Reforms Scheme, as it affects the districts, may deal a death blow to the district village schools. The Karens have great misgivings as to the fate of their village schools, and they fear that instead of progress and increase there will be retrogression and decrease within a few years' time.
The Karens, therefore, from the very outset, have not appreciated the advantage of the Reforms Scheme at all. In the first place it was with difficulty, even with the sympathetic consideration shown by most members of the Reforms Committee, that Karen interests have been safeguarded by Communal representation. Communal interest should not enter into Democratic institutions, but are the members or communities of the embryo democratic institutions really sufficiently broad-minded to deal fairly with all communities and races? It is very doubtful; in fact it has already been proved within these few short years that selfishness and racial prejudice have predominated as in the past. To reiterate a pertinent portion of an article already quoted: "...the strength of Communal feeling certainly justifies the demand that the next instalment of the reforms should continue to safeguard religious and political minorities. Political education in India has not yet sufficiently advanced to dispense with the safeguards ..."
With regard to Burma, the opinion of the writer, which is shared by all the Karens and outside sympathisers, is that it is absolutely necessary to continue not only to safeguard the interests of the minorities, but in the case of the Karens it is absolutely necessary for the good of all concerned that a division or separation of administration of the Province be established. For neither the historical past nor the present feeling and condition of the people would justify Government action of indiscriminately grouping into one political body communities which have formed incompatible elements in the past, and such a policy would continue to be detrimental both to Government and to the country unless a change is made. The Karens still prefer to work hand-in-hand with the British, as they fully admit their superior capacity and their magnanimous spirit of "give and take" as now modified by present conditions and manifested the world over. However, since the Reforms have been introduced and since the Karens, in common with all the people of Burma, have to accept it and work it, they can say with Daniel Webster "Live or die, sink or swim, survive or perish, we give our hand and heart to the constitution," unless and until a better scheme is found.
The subject of the Reforms Scheme as it affects the Karens recalls an incident which happened during the sitting of the Whyte Committee at Rangoon. Sir Frederick Whyte, the members of the Committee, and a number of high officials were invited to a Welcome Concert by elders of the Karen Community of Rangoon, Insein and vicinity. The Vinton Memorial Hall was packed to overflowing with Karens. Even the doors and windows were so jammed with people that standing room could not be found. After the concert, as the guests were leaving, a well-known high official was pacing up and down the church portico apparently in deep thought. The writer approached him and asked if he was waiting for his car. "Yes, my car is here, but the thought uppermost in my mind is that I had no idea that there are so many Karens in the town and its vicinity, and the large audience of Karens, to-night, and the great talent and wonderful progress they displayed in their concert have made me wonder that during the eighteen years I have been in Burma I have not come more in contact with them or known more of them." The writer then asked him if he knew that the young man who was his bench clerk for some years and with whom he played many a game of football was a Karen. He had to acknowledge that he was not aware of the fact. That official, a man of the best type of I.C.S., was highly intelligent and fair-minded, but, like many other officials, in the course of his daily routine he had not given a thought to the possibility of one particular native of Burma being any different from another. No, the Karens are not known at all, and naturally, if they ever have any grievances, they cannot make themselves heard.
The case of two Karen Military Policeman who were recently accused of murdering a notoriously bad character and his son at Kyawzan and sentenced to transportation for life created a great stir among the Karens of the whole Province. Government cannot realise the situation in spite of protests and repeated complaints by the Karens.
It is usually the case that if only evidence as elicited by witnesses is taken in a case of a Karen against a Burman, ninety-nine times out of a hundred the Karen will lose, in spite of the fact that a Karen may have truth and right on his side. Government or its official should realise that it is not wise, for obvious reasons, to send out a batch of Karen soldiers or Military Police to a Burmese village or town for keeping peace or preventing crimes unless there is a British or an Anglo-Indian Officer in command. The Karens are called out where crime is most prevalent or to prevent a rising, etc., but help and sympathy is at a discount when one of these Karens gets into trouble in the course of his duty. It is this apathy on the part of the officers and officals when a Karen subordinate or soldier gets into trouble through the lack of foresight of those in authority that has made the Karens dissatisfied.
Another case of a similar nature may be cited. On December 5th, 1920, a Karen Thugyi, of Myaungmya District, of twenty years' good service, was brought into the Bassein Jail for twenty years' transportation, simply because he had gone out to arrest a well-known bad character and in the scuffle the bad character, in trying to take possession of the Thugyi's gun, was shot and killed. Government or Government officials must have learned by past history or present events that a Karen will not allow his gun to be taken away from him in a fight. He would give his life before he surrenders his gun. What would Government have said if the Thugyi had left his gun with his adversary and run away?
Is it not possible that had the two Military Policemen been Burmans and the notorious bad character and his son, Karens, that the former would have suffered no penalty in a court of trial? Had that unfortunate Thugyi been a Burman and the victim a Karen, within a year the Thugyi would be receiving an award from Government for special service and bravery in having killed a fugitive from justice.
CHAPTER XII - A NATION'S DESIRE
"Nationality is that principle, compounded of past tradition, present interests and future aspirations, which gives to people a sense of organic unity, and separates them from the rest of mankind." --HearnshawIn unity there is strength. "Hang together and be strong, or hang separately" is an old and indisputable maxim. Sir Frederick Whyte in his treatise India--A Federation? strongly suggests that India can be a strong nation and reach her full stature and unity only by federation, that is, in the union and co-operation of communities. He says "In India, of all lands, there are to be found in her social fabric elements which have disturbed, if they have not actually destroyed, the unity and the sense of common nationality in other peoples and other times."
The above statement is perfectly applicable to Burma. The Burmese nation (by which is meant all the indigenous races of Burma) can never be strong or regarded by other nations as such, unless and until the principal races of the country are satisfied and contented by having a fair share of the country and its administration. The Arakanese can preserve their country which is separated from the rest by a natural barrier. The Shans have their own states in which to do the same, and the strength of their nationality and self-Government has been strengthened by the recent grant of Federation. The Burmans have the whole country to themselves. Where have the Karens a place they can call their own?
Mr. Smeaton, even when the Karen nation was in its infancy, strongly advocated a scheme, which, had it been followed, would have met with great success. He said:
"There is a capacity for self-government in every people, but it varies with race and climate. The highest excellence in any administration must always consist in the perception of this capacity, and in leading it into those channels for which it is best suited. We have conceded what may be called a limited self-government to the people of India; but we have made the concession without discernment of the varying capacities of the races and classes to which it has been granted. We have dealt with all alike, neglecting distinctive natural characteristics. We have failed to seize the true spirit of self-government in the East. Both in method and in scope we are wrong...The result of our method is this: that the reforms which we endeavour to introduce strike no real root. The soil and climate are not congenial to the plant. The year 1986 will, I fear, find the millions of India not one whit more able to govern themselves than they are now. We have nowhere fostered the growth of real material life. We are endeavouring to create a new English India. The product will not be much to our credit."
"Why should we not try--if only as a political experiment--to give the Karens a chance of growing as a nation in their own way? Why should we not try and bring their wild growth under cultivation, grafting on the ancient roots as time and experience improve our perception and increase our skill? We have here a little people--probably under a million in all--who aspire to keep their own nationality intact. Why should we not allow them and encourage them to do so. The result may be of the highest interest in the future, and cannot fail to be fraught with great benefit to the people themselves; it will strengthen British Rule and safeguard it in the times of trouble which may yet be in store for us in Burma."
Yes, why not? Surely, those British officials who have given the subject a thought and have carefully looked into the matter, could not help but be convinced of the reasonableness and potential significance of Mr. Smeaton's comments."
Will Government or its officials redeem past neglect by lending an ear to a national request? The Karens have not proclaimed it from the house-tops, but they have time and time again, through their representatives, called the attention of Government to this earnest wish of theirs. If Government is convinced that the Karens are deserving of a fair trial, have they not the courage of their convictions before it is too late to do the Karens a good turn, and in turn get the full benefit of the co-operation of a loyal people of proven worth?
And what is this request which the Karens submit for consideration? They ask for a fair share of the administration of the country which they have on several occasions helped to save from insurrection and rebellion. It has been estimated that there are seven Burmans to one Karen, and the Karens have tried unsuccessfully to obtain this ratio in the results of competition with the Burmans. The reasons have been fully stated in the preceding pages of this book. The obstacles are insurmountable, and the only practical solution is to allot the Karens one-seventh of the province for administration. There are seven divisions in the province, excluding Rangoon, one-seventh of it means one division. In this division the entire administration should be by Karens directly under British supervision. Tenasserim Division would be the division of choice, as it is mostly inhabited by Karens, and one in which administration is not so well developed as in other parts of the province. The administrators can therefore exercise or adopt any scheme or plan that will suit the peculiar needs of the country and its intended administration. The inhabitants of that part of the country, like any other part, will not be in any way disturbed. The Karens in other parts of the province can remain where they are if they wish it just as people of other nationalities domiciled in Tenasserim can remain there, as long as it is recognised that Tenasserim is a Karen country. Such a policy will result in the creation of a strong nationality full of life, patriotism and love of King and country. The division will advance and progress independently under the able guiding hands of sympathetic and efficient British officers.
The present-day ideal is self-determination; but the Karens, in their desire for self-determination, realise that self-determination in their case must be determined according to the method and mode mapped out by experienced British officers with whom they have fought, with whom they have worked, and with whom they would ever co-operate. If the Karen nation, like all other nationalities of Burma, is left as it is, and not given their legitimate aspirations in a proper direction as inspired by its feeling of patriotism and loyalty to the government and law and order, it is greatly to be feared that a new group or generation of Karen extremists or obstructionists will arise.
The Reforms Scheme has not been a benefit to them nor will it be for generations to come. Their wish is to work with and be under the direct supervision of the British in a section of the country to which they feel they have a right by their number and the solid work that they have put in ever since the British Government annexed the country. The Burmans have claimed the right of self-determination and so far they have been allowed a good share of it. Surely, they cannot object to the Karens having a proportionate share?
Like the powerful British nation formed of four mighty nations in England, Scotland, Ireland and Wales, a great Burmese nation may be formed of the four principal races of the country, the Burmese, the Karens, the Arakanese, and the Shans; each nation with its own country and its own distinctive national characteristics, ready to unite for the good of the whole country. "Gallant little Wales" occupies a position, in many respects in relation to its more powerful neighbour England not dissimilar to that of the Karens in relation to the Burmese. The distinct nationality and language of Wales is being more and more recognised. This enables her the better to develop her peculiar genius, and contribute her special gifts to the common stock. The Karens of Burma are more numerous in proportion, and fully as distinct. It is their plea that this distinction as between Burmese and Karens be fully recognised, and acted on--to the benefit of Government and the contentment of the people; at present officials and Government servants in strong Karen communities are largely ignorant even of the language of the people. Let a condition be made that for service in the "Karen country," the candidate, whatever his nationality, should pass an examination in Karen.
The educational qualification required in the service of the Karen country should be lower than those required for Burma as a whole. The Karens are still classified as a backward race, and it would only be fair to allow them lower qualifications for service. There will then be no dearth of candidates for the different services. For clerkships and ordinary posts in all departments an Anglo-Vernacular Seventh Standard qualification, and for posts like the Deputy Myookship a High School Final qualification only should be required. It might be mentioned that in Sir Reginald Craddock's original scheme for the Deputy Myookship the qualification specified was the High School Final Examination, although at present candidates from the ranks of University graduates have received preference over those with the High School Final qualification. Higher services such as the Burma Civil Service, Judical Service, and so on alone should claim university-graduate under such a scheme.
If the above suggestion is accepted there will be no dearth of candidates for all the services for the whole Division as is feared by some officials with whom the writer has discussed the matter. If it is found that Karens cannot supply the requisite number of men in addition to the British officials, candidates of Burmese or any other nationality amy be temporarily accepted until Karen candidates with the necessary qualifications are available. Of cou rse, the above is only a bare outline of the scheme, but the matter can be left in the hands of the highly-experienced British officers who will be in direct charge of the administration of the Karen country.
"Karen Country," how inspiring it sounds! What thoughts, what manly feeling, what wonderful visions of the future the words conjure forth in the mind of a Karen. It was a highly-placed official to whom may be credited the origin of the name. A young Karen subordinate civilian officer had been recommended by his Deputy Commissioner and his Commissioner for dismissal from the service. The young officer went personally to the Chief Secretary and related the whole story of how it happened that he incurred the displeasure of his superior officer. A Burmese Sub-Divisional officer had found fault with him for something which, in the ordinary course of events, would have been overlooked and for which at most some chastisement would have sufficed; but the Sub-Divisional officer enlarged upon the fault or neglect and made such a strong report to the Deputy Commissioner that the Deputy Commissioner, without hesitation, recommended the young man's dismissal. It so happened that this high official was in the Chief Secretary's office at the time, and after hearing the story he said, "You Karens should all go to a 'Karen Country' since you cannot get along in other parts of the Province."
In support of my contention for a "Karen Country" some lines may be quoted from the book India--a Federation? by Sir Frederick Whyte--whose name has more than once been quoted--First President of the Imperial Assembly of India, well-known to Burma as chairman of the Whyte Committee on the Reforms Scheme. "Love of country or patriotism is compounded of many things--sentiment, historic associations, community of economic interest, attachment to the soil itself, trials and triumphs shared in common--which when wielded together make nationality. Love of country is an affection, nationality the intellectual conception in which it is cast by political science. It has been defined many times, but never to the complete satisfaction of those who know what it is and how it can sway the hearts of men and move mountains. A nation has been defined as "a body of people united by a corporate sentiment of peculiar intensity, intimacy and dignity, related to a definite home country." That is a comprehensive definition in which the essentials are the unity, the corporate sentiment and the definite home country. These factors may be present in a Scotsman, for instance, both in relation to his nearer and dearer homeland of Scotland and in relation to the larger patria of Britain. Here two patriotisms happily interwoven in manner far more complete than that in which a Bengali can say that he belongs to the whole of India and the whole of India belongs to him. It is because of the fusion of the two patriotisms that Great Britain is truly a United Kingdom; and it is because that fusion is far from perfect in India that Indian Nationality is as yet no more than adolescent. The absence of nationality, or its decay, or even its adolescence, is a condition in which it is not proper or even possible to create enduring political institutions, whether Federal or unitary, if those institutions are to depend for any of their vitality on the popular will. The life is not there, or is but awaking. 'Only those,' says Mr. Alfred Zimmern, in his Nationality and Government, 'who have seen at close quarters what a moral degradation the loss of nationality involves, or sampled the drab cosmopolitanism of Levantine seaports or American industrial centres can realise what a vast reservoir of spiritual power is lying ready, in the form of national feeling, to the hands of teachers and statesmen, if only they can learn to direct it to wise and liberal ends. The strongest federal unions are those in which the local patriotism finds a comfortable place within the embrace of the larger national patriotism'...The Thirteen Colonies of the Atlantic Coast of America, for instance, grew up in independence, the one from the others, separated by great distance and peopled by citizens of very different origins. The climate of Boston differed from the climate of Savannah no more than the Bostonian himself differed from the gentleman of South Carolina; and if the Rhode Islander was a Puritan and democratic individualist, the Virginian was a patrician and a Cavalier to his very marrow. When some form of union was forced upon the colonies, these differences in habit and outlook made a unitary Government impossible, and exerted a determining influence upon the character of the federal constitution. So in Switzerland, each canton grew in sturdy independence in its home of mountain and valley, and only when compelled by the instinct of self-preservation to join forces with its neighbours did it yield even the meagre federal rights of the Swiss Constitution to a National Government. It has been held by the apologists of Swiss local autonomy that, after the Reformation, the Swiss Confederation only survived the strife between Catholic and Protestant because its loose bonds lay lightly on both. The Catholic canton indeed long withstood the growth of federal power, but eventually, it tardily, in 1874, consented to pay the small price required for the establishment of National Government."
The above is a true sentiment. The Karen Elders, who have all along co-operated with the Government and are continuing to do so, have met with many obstructions and obstructionists, while engaged in finding recruits and other necessary requirements. If Government would carefully look into the reasons for the antagonism shown by these men, the Government would only blame themselves for not seeing into their grievances which have been real and heartrending. There are so many causes that have led to the adverse feeling of the Karen people. One great and most damaging cause is that the Karens have to work, communicate and co-operate with and through the "Middleman," so to speak, who has not the necessary sympathy and kindly regard. Remove that cause and the result will be a true co-operation in any movement for the good of the Government and the people.
May God hasten the day when we can lift up our voices and sing with our whole heart and soul:
"My country 'tis of thee,
Sweet land of liberty,
Of thee I sing;
Land where our fathers died!
Land of our Ancestors' pride!
From every mountain side,
Let freedom ring!
"God save our gracious King,
Long live our Noble King!
God save the King!
For Britain and her King,
Have made our nation free!
Now let our voices ring
God save our King!"
APPENDIX
A CHAPTER CONTAINING PRINCIPALLY SUGGESTIONS AND ADVICE TO ALL KARENS AND THEREFORE PUT IT AS AN APPENDIXThere is no doubt that, like all Oriental nations and races, the Karens have observed that form of low-bowing as a token of respect on meeting an elder or a person of high position. As a nation they have loathed that form of obeisance called shiko, in performing which one has to kneel down with his two hands pressed together and lay his face on the floor or on the ground. The tenets of Christianity and the ways of the Western people have no doubt influenced them to detest this Burmese custom. They have, from time to time, tried to adopt a national costume which would distinguish them from the Burmese simply to avoid having to shiko, for they know that as long as they wear Burmese dress they are expected to do as the Burmese do even by British officials. The writer is aware that confidential instructions have been issued by the Local Government that Karens should not be made to shiko or be expected to do so, but what is a British official to do when all the other people are doing it, and only the Karens should be exempted. Very often an official does not know nor can be expected to be able to distinguish a Karen from a Burman.
Here, again, there may be excuse for repeating the words of Mr. Smeaton who hits the nail right on the head, so to speak. He says "The ordinary Burman is cringing to his superiors and overbearing to his inferiors. The Karen loathes this. His chief--whoever he be--is primus but inter pares, and it is a bitter thing for him to ape Burmese servility in the local courts presided over by Burmese judges. If you allow a Burman to dispense with the shiko, or obeisance, which by ancient custom he is bound to make to his superiors, he despises you. Treat a Karen firmly and kindly, and he behaves like a gentleman. He is easiest led when you treat him with familiarity, as one under your protection, and claim his respect from your own character and ability to lead him."
So it has been a serious question with the Karen Elders as to what form of costume or dress to adopt which would be most suitable from the æsthetic and hygienic point of view. The old form of dress would be awkward and unsuitable, to say the least. The writer has seen many forms modified by enthusiasts, but he cannot conscientiously say that he approves of them. The adoption of the European style of dress by some of the Karens is a great improvement; but such a course is not practicable for all, nor would it be suitable. The majority have now agreed upon and have adopted the costume for men as illustrated on the opposite page.
On state and special occasions the Karen cloak, Hsay Plo should be worn over the whole. As for women, their characteristic frock Hsay Sah Kyi will be worn on similar occasions.
The advantages in the costume illustrated are as follows: In the first place trousers of sorts have always been worn by the majority of the tribes of the Karens, so no radical change would be involved in adopting this and, therefore, would not clash with the inherent dislike of Karens to adopt a new garb in exchange for dresses of national tradition. Then again, in the minds of many, including the writer himself, a skirt (like longyis) is associated more or less with women, while trousers impart a manly appearance.
In the illustration No. III we have a costume for ordinary outdoor wear with a felt hat which looks well with the dress. Illustration No. I shows a young man in evening dress. The ordinary dinner jacket with low cut vest or white vest looks well. In fact, for coat, vest, tie, shirt, collar, cuff, etc., the European fashion or style can be made use of, with the exception of tail-coats which would look rather awkward. In Illustration No. II a Burmese jacket may be preferred to a European coat. It looks quite well, and even a turban may be worn on the head to advantage, as many are doing. The trousers are neither in the Chinese nor the Shan fashion, with fairly broad legs and no bagginess at the seat. We have a pattern now in use which is sold almost anywhere. In case of wading in water or traversing muddy ground the legs of the pants can be rolled or tucked up, or hooked on to the hips with some catch or hook devised for the purpose.
We can see, therefore, from the description, that we shall not be taking up the costume of any particular nation, but one which will be distinctive, suitable and at the same time be neat, and capable of being gradually improved if required. We shall set a day apart (preferably the 12th of May, from a historical point of view) in which all the Karens of Burma would assume the costume in one single day, like the Chinese when they had their "pigtails" cut off.
Regarding the form of greeting, "Good Morning" and "Good Evening" have become almost universal. On the street or in public a slight graceful bow of the head or the Indian method of salutation is to be commended from all points of view.
For paying respects to a superior officer or to a high dignitary a quiet, respectful low bow on first meeting or on entering the office should be observed as it is now done by many. The hands may be placed in front or on the sides while the act of obeisance is performed. In the olden days, when the Karens were mostly on the hills and more or less uncivilised, a stranger who entered a house must run to the kitchen and eat a good pinch of salt to show that he is a friend and not a foe. The house owner, seeing that this is done, takes him into his confidence, saying that the stranger "has eaten my salt and must be treated as a friend." As for the act of shaking hands, a Christian Karen considers it a very important manifestation of friendliness and sympathy. Of course, a Karen would not or could not expect such a manifestation from a high official or a stranger of position, except at some social functions or presentation at a Durban or on similar occasions.
No. I. EVENING DRESS
No. II. ORDINARY COSTUME
No. III. READY FOR ROUGHING IT"Then again, as regards service in different branches of the Army. Formerly, we were given only a proportionately small number to fill up. How hard we fought for--and failed to get--equal rights. Only now, after some years, we are given equal privilege with the other indigenous races to fill up the different branches of the army. I am sure there are now some in this meeting who would like to get up and contradict me or call my attention to the fact that when we wanted to 'do or die,' the Government would not let us, and that only now, when we do not care for it, they give us the privilege. Even now, it is a singular fact that we cannot show a single Karen officer with a King's Commission, while there are already three or four Burmans. The question arises, 'Are your youths unfit for it, or is it a deliberate slight on the part of the Government?' Well, friends, it is a question which you may well ask, and one which I have often asked myself. You may be sure that I, like the rest of you, have felt pretty sore, but what could not and cannot yet be cured, must be endued. Let me remind you, however, that for many generations our fathers have suffered under previous régimes up to the present Government, under whose rule the Karens have emerged from persecution and cruel treatment of which the present generation has but a very faint idea. I do not wish to recall past history, but sometimes it is necessary to do so. For present conditions and even future events have to be judged by past history. I know that some of my Karen friends, particularly one I have in mind now, has constantly called our attention to the fact that from the day the British Government entered Burma, the Karens have been called upon to help and have voluntarily offered their services, taking a prominent part in helping to subdue and pacify the country. The Government appeared greatly appreciative of the service rendered, but, once peace reigned and things assumed their normal aspect, the Karens were forgotten, just as Joseph was forgotten by the Pharaoh of olden days. It does not seem proper that such shortcomings on the part of our benevolent Government should be dwelt upon, but human nature is human nature everywhere and at all times. One well-known writer--a retired British officer--goes so far as to say that the Karens sided with the British authorities not for any particular love of the British, but because they cordially detested the Burmese. The author, I consider, is very much in the wrong, for a Karen by nature and tradition has all along considered an Englishman a brother and a protector. We can assure the Government at this moment that the Karens are, if anything, more loyal than ever. But the Karens often have occasion to wonder if only a crying child gets more milk; at least, it would appear so, judging by all that we see and know. However, friends and countrymen, do not be discouraged, do not falter, but keep on being loyal, co-operate with the Government, lay yourself out for peace and good government, for the day is bound to come, and I see it already coming, when the Karen's loyalty, his unswerving faith and unalloyed love for the British Government and for his King will amply be rewarded. We want to show the British Government and those in power that in spite of their apparent neglect (from our point of view) we mean to stick to them and to co-operate with them till they are forced to realise that they cannot get along without us."
"Another suggestion, which to some of you may seem insignificant or trivial, is to make use of the prefixes Saw and Naw with our names; but I tell you, it will be worth your while to observe it. My idea is, and it is the opinion of every patriotic Karen, that as MONSIEUR is to a Frenchman, MISTER to an Englishman, MA and MAUNG to a Burmese lady and gentleman, NAW and SAW are absolutely essential to identify ourselves as a nation. I, therefore, urge that everyone of our people will take it up in earnest. I know that some individuals, schools and institutions have already taken it up, but we should not rest contented until everyone who considers himself a Karen observes this request. I do not wish to take up any Western custom in which there is any doubt concerning its benefit to you. But the custom of having a family name, I am fully convinced, is one that will greatly benefit us in helping us to know who is who at first sight, and there is satisfaction in being able to trace the 'family tree' which is so much valued in Western countries."
"Furthermore, a very deplorable characteristic in our people is lack of punctuality and discipline. It has been said that many a great battle has been lost and many a valuable life sacrificed because the expected help did not turn up in time, or some one had not strictly obeyed orders. I have often heard it said by people of the West that, 'out East here, people are easy going that to them 'to-day and to-morrow are all the same.' I remember well some years ago in Bassein, there was a Deputy-Commissioner who was a great football player and was very keen on getting the Karen boys to play. He always used to ask me to tell the boys to turn up at three p.m., so that they would be sure to turn up at four p.m. Sad to say, he was pretty near right every time. Friends, this is a great slur on our people. Can we not mend our ways, young and old, in this matter? With regard to discipline, why can we not assimilate the ways of our officials and business men of the West? It is the deviation from, the frequent and glaring neglect of, discipline which brings us ruin or disgrace. Why are there no large and successful business firms owned by the people of the country? Because of lack of discipline, principally. Why are we not on the top rung of the ladder in the many walks of life? Why, because in spite of all the examples we see about us and the lessons taught and dinned into our ears, discipline is still a comparative stranger to us. There is a standing joke in a society I belong to; when members are late to a meeting they are asked whether their time is the 'Karen Time' or the correct time. Let us try and get over this fault, which is common to all the nations of the East, particularly those of Burma...We have at present many educational institutions, but not more than one or two institutions where a young man can be trained up for industrial purposes. However, the need for industrial and vocational schools is so much felt that I'm glad to say, in some of our schools, the Government has started vocational instruction which will supply a long felt want."
"But, as a matter of fact, I have noticed with some discouragement that our young people are not taking full advantage of this in the Government schools and other institutions open to us. We, as a people essentially cultivators, should make use of experimental farms which are opened out in different places. We cannot all expect to get into the service of the Government or of the firms, nor, even if that were possible, would it be good for the nation. We should take up professions in which a man can make an honourable livelihood. You know that it is a standing joke among the Karens themselves that they cannot even make a mortar to pound their chillies. Now, let us encourage our young people to take up any honest work that is going, so that we may be a self-contained little nation. There is one exception to all I have said with regard to our young people taking the advantage of the vocational schools and institutions, and that is training for midwifery and sick-nursing. I am sure there is a very large number of trained Karen nurses and midwives. At least, there are more of them among the Karens than in any other single race of Burma. No doubt, midwifery and sick-nursing are noble professions but every one who is in the know must admit that the temptations on all sides are very great, and we elders and parents of these women have found it a most difficult problem to improve the existing conditions."
KAREN COSTUME AS IT IS NOW WORN ON THE BORDERS OF BURMA AND
SIAM."There are many difficulties confronting us, which we, as a nation, wish the Government to understand so as to be able to help us. For instance, in the selection of candidates for Government service of any importance, the Government wish to know if the candidate has or had any relative in Government service, and, I understand, they attach great importance to it. How can we possibly have any relatives in high Government positions when we are as yet only a little nation of to-day having had no previous record or position of any kind. So, in fairness to ourselves, this particular requirement should be eliminated, at least, so far as the Karens are concerned. There are many things with which we should acquaint the Government as to our needs, our wishes and aspirations, at the same time letting them know the shortcomings of the people. We are so apt to keep too quiet and let things pass. Please remember, 'ASK and it shall be given unto you, seek and ye shall find, knock and it shall be opened unto you.' Then again, the old saying 'Out of sight, out of mind,' is very true, especially in dealings with Government servants. I, personally, owe a great deal to a high official of the Government who served many years in Burma. I remember having gone to him two or three times for special consideration on behalf of our people. He showed much sympathy, and, noting my keen disappointment at the result of my request, said to me, 'When you ask for a thing and you do not get it, ask again, and keep on asking till you do get it, for just as there are times when you get what you deserve by asking, there will also be times when an official will grant your request because he is tired or your persistent demands and wishes to get rid of you.' So this is another illustration of a crying child getting the most milk, and therefore it pays to cry."
"In conclusion, I wish to impress upon you one further point, and that is, in your own town or locality please make it a point to see and visit your officials, whether they be Englishmen, Burmese or of any other nationality. Do not wait till you get into trouble or need their help, because there it does not look well nor is it right to go to a man, only in time of trouble. I assure you, it pays to be in touch with them. Bear in mind the truth of the saying, 'Out of sight, out of mind.'"
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